Anyway, I don't have a problem with people who choose not to use the
bike lane, or who ride Pistas, or who shop at Old Navy for that
matter. However, what this Nü-Fred was also doing was running all the
lights, and this being rush hour it meant that the crosswalks were
pretty crowded. I made no attempt to keep up with him, but I kept him
in my sights for awhile, during which I probably watched him ride
against the light through three or four crosswalks. Furthermore, at
each of these crosswalks, I'd estimate that at least five pedestrians
looked at him like they wished he'd get run over by a truck--and this
wasn't even in the most crowded part of town.
Then he points out their PR potency, which is high.
Basically then, a single hapless Nü-Fred (though I suppose calling a
Nü-Fred "hapless" is redundant, since the haplessness is implied) has
the power to turn five New Yorkers against cyclists every single
block. This means that, in the course of a 20 block journey during
peak hours, one (1) Nü-Fred will make one hundred (100) New Yorkers
hate cyclists. (If you'd like, we can refer to this 20-block
100-person figure as one (1) "Nü-Fred Bike Hate Unit," or NFBHU.)
Of course, it's impossible to say with any certainty how many Nü-Freds
there are in New York (at least without subpoenaing Bianchi,
Specialized, and Felt and forcing them to disclose their regional
"urban fixie" sales records). What we can determine though is how many
NFBHUs it would take to turn each one of New York City's eight million
people against cyclists, and the answer is this:
80,000 NFBUs.
Really, if you think about it, that''s not all that much. All it would
take to would be for some evil anti-bike mastermind to unleash 80,000
Nü-Freds on the streets of New York and in a single weekday morning
the entire populace would turn against us. By week's end, bicycles
would probably be illegal, they'd turn the bike lanes into free car
parking, and without cyclists to preoccupy them the police would then
be free to focus the entirety of their efforts on beating Occupy Wall
Street protesters, harassing food trucks, and insulting the poor while
they defend their right to break the law.
He describes his calculations are "crackpot" but that's not fair, and besides, crackpot has never stopped anybody from calculating before. Speaking of indignities:
Several writers have confirmed that TYDK achieves the goal implied by its title of outlining a more accessible, humorous, and human Thoreau for contemporary readers. I agree. The book also develops significant points in re-interpreting Thoreau and his writing, such as the nature-urban connection and T as a social and sociable activist, not exclusively an eccentric hermit. The success is due to Sullivan doing two things other writers on Thoreau have not done, or not done so well. The first is that Sullivan is widely read in historic popular culture and uses several fields of the knowledge to place Thoreau in the context of his times. The range of topics includes: the economic panics and crashes in the US especially New England during T's lifetime, the building of railroads and related immigration and household servitude, the shift from craftsmanship to factory work, the rise of organized labor, and land use and re-forestation around Concord before the Civil War. In addition Sullivan presents T as a fellow free-lance writer, when such an occupation didn't quite exist. This insight particularly gives the book a perceptive look at T, and lends authority to Sullivan's speculations about T's several life choices. In addition the book is written in an informative, entertaining style with supported speculation and personal experience well-woven together.
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